The Foreign Minister threatened to resign, and no one in SW1 really cared? Well, that's about it.
On his trip to Washington, Boris Johnson gave an interview in which he tried to persuade President Trump not to withdraw from the nuclear deal with Iran.
Some of his less diplomatic efforts focused on the hometown rather than the West Wing, where he called his boss's preferred option to work out how the post-Brexit customs function is "crazy."
Yes, the "Customs Partnership" that the Brexiters believed they could have been politically killed last week in a Cabinet meeting, but that the Minister of Economic Affairs breathed life back into TV on Sunday.
no. Ten had always said that both options were on the table, but both needed a little more work.
As we discussed last week, it's not just about whether one of these options is really feasible. Remember that the EU has almost rejected it before the eagerly awaited "further work" that is yet to come.
The hysterics are also concerned with who really sets the tone in Brexit. The unsuspecting electoral public who made their decision nearly two years ago may feel justified in asking what is happening around the world.
In normal times ̵
This is a policy that Boris Johnson discussed with his colleagues on the Checkers Away Day in February and then (literally) the Prime Minister Mansion House speech in March, which included the Duty Partnership a potential one Suggestion.
What his supporters say is that the policy was not agreed at the time and was not discussed in detail. By claiming that the idea is "crazy," he is not bound by collective responsibility. This is an idea that goes around rather than a deadlocked government policy, they say.
The word is horribly overused in politics, but, let's say in capital letters, it is UNPROCEDENTED for a high-ranking member of the government to pour such contempt into the government's own plan; one that they themselves signed not long ago – despite the conviction of his team that he has every right to criticize a plan before an official government decision has been made.
And his supporters point out that if the secretary of business is quite capable of criticizing the other option on the table, why is he not allowed to do the same?
But for some of his colleagues, this criticism, complete with their implicit threat to stop childish licentiousness, the behavior of the Eurosceptic "toddlers" (as described by a prominent Tory MP) after more toast shouting at them throws them on the kitchen floor but it landed down on the jam side.
For some of his critics, it's a tired old tantrum that is best ignored. An MP who knows Boris Johnson well shrugged this morning and remarked, "Does he really mean it this time?"
Well, maybe he does. These are not the legendary times. Yes, Boris Johnson has joined with the rest of the Cabinet of the proposed Customs Partnership as one of the options after the transitional period. But yes, he believed, like others, that the argument for the Cabinet last week had been lost.
And yes, he is, like some other Brexiters, of the opinion that the proposal is profoundly flawed, so problematic that it makes it almost impossible to leave the EU. It was one thing to argue by applying to the idea in theory, but another one supports it further down when there are very few details left.
There is a noticeable mood among Eurosceptics, as the memorandum leaked by the Tory European Research Group last week showed that after months of compromise, the Customs Partnership is the key point for them. So speaks the latest rattle of Boris Johnson, intentionally or not, for her.
But maybe he does not, and after a few conversations I had this afternoon, it sounds like a departure is not in the foreground.
The Foreign Minister did not stop paying the Brexit Act, he did not quit during the transposition period.
If he's thinking of the future leadership prize, it's an advantage to stay in the team, with a great job, to see that he fought for the Eurosceptic version of the Brexit instead of pouting in a joke to the backbenches to be the darling of a certain vigorous constituency, but the unfaithful Bête Noire of all others.
It's not the first, or I suppose, the last time this question is asked. Yes, you should take care that the Foreign Minister implies that he could resign, but maybe not so much, only.